NATIONAL CENTER FOR POLICY ANALYSIS
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Controlling Health Care Costs With Medical Savings Accounts

Using Medisave Accounts to Lower the Administrative Costs of Health Insurance

Health insurance not only creates perverse incentives but its overuse also leads to high and unnecessary administrative costs. For example, the cost of marketing and administering private health insurance averages between 11 and 12 percent of premiums. 21 Dealing with private and public third-party payers also creates administrative burdens for physicians. A study by the American Medical Association estimates that a physician spends an average of six minutes on each claim and the physician's staff spends an average of one hour. Those physicians who contract with outside billing services pay about $8 per claim. 22

Medisave accounts offer a way of cutting these costs dramatically while at the same time maintaining - and even improving - the quality of care. Health Care Debit Cards. A general system of Medisave accounts would lead naturally to the use of health care debit cards. Patients could, for example, pay for physician visits by using their cards just as people now pay for merchandise at retail stores. Several health care debit card companies already exist, including Pulse Card, headquartered in Kansas City, Kansas and Security Plus, headquartered in Newport Beach, California. 23

With an increase in volume and with increased competition, the administrative costs of using health care debit cards would be quite low, relative to the cost of using third-party payers. Currently, the overhead cost for credit card companies is as low as 1.29 percent. Moreover, for most transactions between patients and physicians, this would be the only administrative cost other than paperwork deemed necessary for purely medical reasons. Private and public insurers would not need additional paperwork except when total costs exceeded high patient deductibles.

Health Care Debit Cards and Medical Records. Health care debit cards could be combined with another technological innovation to reduce other costs and improve the quality of care. Several companies are experimenting with technology that would put a patient's entire medical record on a credit card. 24 This would allow physicians immediate access to each patient's complete medical history. Putting medical records on a credit card could be costly. But it might be less costly than the current system under which physicians treat patients about one-third of the time without access to their records. 25

The Benefits of the Canadian System Without the Costs. Advocates of the Canadian system of national health insurance cite two principal benefits: (1) patients entering the health care system need produce only a national health insurance card in order to receive care, and (2) the administrative costs of the system are lower because the paperwork is reduced and other costs - such as marketing - are eliminated.

Against these advantages, there are severe disadvantages. Because patients are spending other people's money at the time they consume "free" health care, the potential demand is unlimited and Canadian provincial governments control costs by limiting technology and forcing physicians and hospitals to ration health care. As Canadian waiting lists grow longer, there are increasing reports of unnecessary patient deaths and increasing numbers of Canadians crossing the border for U.S. medical care. In addition, because of the perverse incentives the system creates for providers, physicians often over-provide some services while hospital managers try to avoid the costs of acute care by housing chronic patients who use the hospitals as expensive nursing homes. 26

A system of Medisave accounts plus health care debit cards could produce the benefits of the Canadian system without the adverse side effects. A valid health care debit card would be proof that a patient could pay small medical bills and had third-party insurance to pay large ones. Unlike the Canadian system, however, patients using debit cards would have strong incentives to purchase care prudently because they would be spending their own money.

A Ballpark Estimate of the
Economic Effects of Medisave Accounts


A number of studies have compared administrative costs of health insurance in the United States with those of Canada's national health insurance. For example, Table VI shows three estimates of the administrative savings that could be realized by adopting the Canadian system as well as an estimate of the costs of eliminating out-of-pocket charges. The potential savings in administrative costs range from a Lewin/ICF estimate of $34 billion to a General Accounting Office (GAO) estimate of $67 billion. 27 However, the effect of eliminating all deductibles and copayments swamps these savings and leads to a net increase in costs.

We believe the estimates of potential savings from reduced administrative costs are much too high for three reasons. First, government accounting practices always lead to underestimates of the real cost of government provisions of goods and services. Second, these estimates completely ignore all indirect costs (e.g., the costs of rationing and of physician and hospital responses to perverse incentives) caused by Canada's method of paying for health care. Third, many of the administrative activities in the U.S. health care system are not designed merely to control spending; they also are designed to prevent inappropriate medical care and maintain quality. The United States is not likely to follow the Canadian practice of giving hospitals global budgets and forcing physicians to ration health care with few questions asked. 28

Nonetheless, Table VI is interesting for a different reason. What the GAO calculates as the rock-bottom cost of administering a health care system is probably on the high side when compared to a system of Medisave accounts and health care debit cards. We used the GAO method to estimate the potential reduction in administrative costs under a system of Medisave accounts and health care debit cards, and the Rand Corporation's method to estimate the likely reduction in health care spending if people had high-deductible health insurance. Table VII shows the probable effects of a generalized system under which everyone (including Medicaid and Medicare patients) has third-party catastrophic insurance and uses health care debit cards, drawing on individual Medisave accounts to pay small medical bills. As the table shows:

  • A system which combines catastrophic third-party insurance with Medisave accounts should reduce administrative costs by as much as $33 billion.

  • Because the presence of high deductibles would make patients more prudent purchasers of health care, total spending should go down by as much as $147 billion.

  • After extending catastrophic health insurance to the currently uninsured, the net total savings are $168 billion - almost one-fourth of what the United States now spends on health care.

Conclusion


Primarily because of U.S. tax law, most Americans are overinsured. People use health insurance to pay for non-risky medical episodes, including diagnostic tests and routine checkups. They also use health insurance to pay small medical bills they could pay more economically from personal funds. As a consequence, the administrative costs of the U.S. health care system are much too high and patients and physicians are often wasteful.

Health care costs in the United States could be reduced substantially if people relied on third-party insurance for catastrophic expenses only and paid small medical bills with health care debit cards, drawing on individual savings accounts. No one should be forced to self-insure for small medical bills. But Congress should create the opportunity for people to do so by giving just as much tax encouragement for deposits to individual medical savings as it currently grants to employer payments for third-party insurance.

NOTE: Nothing written here should be construed as necessarily reflecting the views of the National Center for Policy Analysis or as an attempt to aid or hinder the passage of any bill before Congress.

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