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NATIONAL CENTER FOR POLICY ANALYSIS
Workers’ Compensation: Rx for Policy Reform
How the System Works

Each state has designed its own workers' compensation system, and no two are exactly alike.  The types and levels of benefits, the cost of claims and the structure of the system vary widely.  The premiums paid by employers also vary widely by state, size of firm and industry.  However, the rising cost of workers' compensation to employers - a cost implicitly borne in part by workers - is a common problem.  In this section we will examine major features of state systems and the effects they have on claims and costs.

Employers Are Required to Provide Benefits.  Employers are held strictly liable for workers' compensation benefits.  [See the sidebar, "The Genesis and Evolution of Workers' Compensation Systems."]  Specific state statutes generally replaced the tort liability system - but not completely or in every state:

  • Currently, Texas is the only state that routinely allows employers to opt out of the statutory system.1  Employers that opt out, however, are still liable for workplace injuries under the negligence standard. 
  • In five states - North Dakota, Ohio, Washington, West Virginia and Wyoming - employers are obligated to either buy insurance coverage from a state-owned fund or obtain approval from the state agency to self-insure. 

In a number of other jurisdictions, state or residual (assigned risk) funds provide insurance as a last resort to employers that are unable to obtain insurance from private carriers.  Such risk pools are necessary because, when employers are required to have coverage, the state must make an alternative available.

“Benefits vary widely among the states.”

Benefits to Replace Wages and Compensate Injured Workers.  There are three main types of wage replacement (or indemnity) benefits.  When the employee is recuperating and unable to work he can receive temporary total disability (TTD) payments.  [See the "Glossary of Terms."]  When workers are permanently disabled and unable to work, the system provides permanent total disability (PTD) benefits.  A third type of benefit is permanent partial disability (PPD), generally paid when an injured employee attains the maximum medical improvement expected for an injury but still has either a residual physical impairment or occupational disability that prevents the worker from continuing in his former occupation.  

The maximum amount of wage replacement benefits and the length of time a worker can receive them varies considerably among the states.  In 2005, for example:2 

  • The maximum weekly benefit for TTD ranged from a high of $1,133 per week in Iowa to a low of $351 in Mississippi, and in most states is equal to the state's average weekly wage.
  • The maximum duration of payments ranged from a high of 500 weeks (nearly 10 years) in Virginia to a low of 104 weeks (two years) in South Carolina and a number of other states. 

PPD benefits also vary widely among the states:

  • The weekly maximum payment for PPD ranged from a low of $220 in Alabama to a high of $1,070 in New Hampshire in 2005.3 
  • The maximum duration of weekly payments was shortest in New Hampshire (262 weeks) in 2005, but many states have no maximum, implying weekly benefits may be paid for as long as the disability lasts.4
  • For workers' compensation policies effective 2000 to 2001, the costs incurred for PPD benefits averaged $61,327 and ranged from a high of $184,257 in Michigan to a low of $32,425 in Missouri.5

The Genesis and Evolution of Workers' Compensation Systems

Prior to the institution of state workers' compensation systems at the turn of the 20th century, workers insured themselves against the risk of workplace accidents by purchasing their own policy or maintaining precautionary savings, and their wages included an implicit risk premium. Under the com­mon law tort system, employers were held liable for workplace injuries only if their negligence caused the injury.1 Workers' compensation replaced the common law tort system and the negligence standard.2 Under workers' compensation, employers became strictly liable for providing wage replacement bene­fits to injured workers on a no-fault basis - regardless of whether the employee or the employer caused or contributed to the injury. In return, workers gave up most of their rights to seek judicial redress for their losses through the tort system.

The problem with this standard, however, is that while it provides a complete incentive for the employer to prevent workplace accidents, it provides little or no financial incentive for an employee to avoid them, and to economize on the use of benefits when injured. Even if an employee's negligent behavior contributes to his injury, he is not financially penalized.

In 1913, New York enacted a workmen's compensation law that was upheld by the State Court of Appeals as a constitutionally sound exercise of state police powers. In 1917, three decisions handed down by the U.S. Supreme Court validated the New York act, establishing the lawful authority of states to enact both compulsory and elective workmen's compensation statutes.3

Workers' compensation laws effectively removed responsibility for adjudicating liability for employees' injuries and illnesses from the civil justice system, and delegated enforcement of the laws to state agencies. State agencies, also known as industrial commissions, were empowered to promulgate rules and regulations and to monitor and enforce these laws.

Following New York's reform, most states and territories enacted workers' compensation laws. Within a few decades, the scope of programs widened to cover almost all employers, industries and oc­cupations,4 and greatly expanded compensable injuries to include all work-related injuries and illnesses. By the mid-1920s only eight states remained without a statutory law. By 1949 each of the 48 states, the District of Columbia and the territories of Alaska and Hawaii had instituted statutory workers' compen­sation systems.

The basic structure of the New York law is still followed by the statutory systems used through­out the country. Employers are required to carry workers' compensation insurance, although in most states they have some flexibility in choosing the form of the insurance. Generally, the statutory indem­nity benefits include automatic payment of up to two-thirds of an employee's before-tax wages, and in fatal cases, funeral expenses and compensation for the families.5

  1. Richard A. Posner, "A Theory of Negligence," Journal of Legal Studies, Vol. 1, January 1972, pages 28-89.
  2. Ibid.
  3. The three U.S. Supreme court decisions were New York Central Railroad v. White, 243 U.S. 188 (1917); Hawkins v. Bleakly, 243 U.S. 210 (1917); and Mountain Timber Co. v. Washington, 243 U.S. 219 (1917).
  4. Domestics and agricultural workers are excluded from coverage in most states. Also excluded in some states are small businesses with fewer than 10 employees and self-employed workers.
  5. The New York law did not include medical benefits and applied only to high-risk manufacturing establishments.

Glossary of Terms

Actuarially fair: a premium equivalent to the expected value of insured losses.

Assigned risk market (pool): usually state-run system that provides workers' compensation policies for individual employers who cannot obtain private insurance, also known as "residual market."

Claim costs: incurred costs of a claim.

Frequency of claims: number of claims per covered employees in a policy year in a state.

Impairment rating: a value (in percentage) assigned to an injury that in most states determines an individual's permanent partial disability benefits.

Incurred costs: all payments on a claim plus reserves set to cover any future payments on open claims

Indemnity benefits: insurance coverage that provides financial compensation for injury or loss wages.

Permanent partial disability (PPD): a condition where the injured attains maximum medical improve­ment possible, but still has a residual physical impairment or occupational disability.

Permanent total disability (PTD): a condition where the injured loses the complete ability to work.

Soft-tissue injury: an injury involving tendons, muscles or ligaments, such as a sprain or strain.1

Statutory benefits: medical and wage replacement benefits that are mandated by law.

Temporary total disability (TTD): a condition where the injured loses the complete ability to work temporarily, but is expected to recover.

Total benefit costs in the system: cost of all benefits on all claims in a policy year in a state, excluding most administrative costs.

1 "Soft-Tissue Injuries," University of Maryland Medicine, Web document, available at http://www.umm.edu/orthopaedics/soft.htm.

“The cost of claims varies widely among the states.”

State statutes provide the greatest cash benefits for the most serious injuries, fatalities and permanent total disabilities where employees lose the ability to work.  The definition of PTD depends on the state, but it generally includes, for example, the loss of eyesight or both hands.  Overall, in 2000 to 2001:6 

  • The costs of fatal injuries averaged $242,770 per case, with Missouri having the highest average cost ($462,484) and California the lowest ($149,370).
  • The costs of PTD are higher than for fatal injuries and averaged $381,909, with Nevada having the highest ($2,496,678) and Utah the lowest ($93,185).

Decline in the Frequency of Claims.  Data on accidental fatalities indicate that workplaces are now arguably safer than workers' homes.  Throughout the second half of the 20th century, as deadly home accidents increased, workplace injuries resulting in death declined steadily in the United States [see Figure I]. 

The frequency of workers' compensation claims has also declined over the last decade.  As Table I shows, between 1992-93 and 2000-01: 7

  • The frequency, or number of claims filed per 100,000 covered employees, declined 29 percent.
  • The nationwide decline occurred in virtually every claim category, including claims that resulted in lost time from work (35 percent) and claims requiring only medical intervention (28 percent).
  • The declines were similar in magnitude for high- and low-risk occupations and industries; thus, we can rule out any explanation of the countrywide trend in frequency based on the mix of employment in U.S. industries.

The decline in claim frequency, however, was not the same in every state.  For example, in California the frequency of all claims declined 22 percent between 1992 and 2001, considerably less than the countrywide decline (29 percent), while permanent partial disability (PPD) cases actually increased 13 percent.  This suggests that features of the California state system encourage more claims for PPD, relative to other types of claims and other states' systems.

“Workplaces are safer than homes.”

Number of Fatal Accidents

“The number of workers’ compensation claims has dropped by more than one-third.”

Frequency of Claims Reported by Private Insurers Countrywide

“Costs for workers’ compensation have soared.”

Employer Costs of Workers' Compensation Insurance

“Workers’ compensation costs more than health insurance or payroll taxes in high-risk industries.”

Texas Workers' Compensation Costs for High Risk Occupations as a Percentage of Payroll

Rise in Premium Costs.  Even though workplace safety has increased dramatically and the frequency of claims has declined, workers' compensation

costs have soared.  As a result, employers face increasingly higher insurance premiums and self-insurance costs, which reached nearly $60 billion in 2000 [see Figure II].8

Although the average cost of workers' compensation premiums nationwide is less than 3 percent of payroll, employers' premium costs vary widely by industry [see Figure III].  In high-risk industries, employers' workers' compensation premiums are often higher than health insurance costs or Social Security payroll taxes.  For example, in Texas:

  • Workers' compensation in the hatchery and poultry industry account for 17 percent of payroll costs.9
  • However, workers' compensation in some building and window-cleaning occupations account for a staggering 76 percent of payroll costs!

Uniquely, Texas permits firms to "opt out" of workers' compensation insurance coverage.10  But payroll costs in Texas are not unique.  Even in states that require participation in the workers' compensation system, employers'

“Claims for wage benefits increased faster than claims for medical treatment in the 1990s.”

Average Claim Costs Reported by Private Insurers Countrywide

“Medical treatment accounts for more than 50 percent of costs.”

Percentage of Costs for Medical Treatment and Wage Replacement, 2000-2001

costs of insurance as a percentage of payroll are steep.  In Maine, for example, where workers' compensation insurance is mandatory:

  • Workers' compensation in the local trucking industry accounts for almost 19 percent of payroll costs.11
  • In the sawmill industry, it consumes about 20 percent of payroll costs.
  • In logging and lumbering, premiums cost up to 30 percent of payroll.

Increase in Claim Costs.  A sharp nationwide increase in claim costs at the same time claim frequency declined (from 1992-93 to 2000-01) offset any savings in total benefit costs in the system that would have resulted.12  The nationwide average cost for all claim types (including medical-only claims and indemnity claims for lost time from work) increased 53 percent; the average cost for claims resulting in lost work time (beyond states' statutory

“Permanent partial disability cases account for almost 60 percent of claims.”

Cost of Workers’ Compensation Claims by Type, 2000-2001

waiting periods for receiving indemnity benefits) increased 66 percent, from $19,060 in 1992-93 to $31,684 in 2000-2001.13  [See Table II.]

Following sharp increases in health care costs and utilization of medical services over the last two decades, medical services now account for 54 percent of total benefit costs incurred in workers' compensation systems.  [See Figure IV.]  Only a decade earlier, roughly half of total costs were for indemnity benefits and half were for medical benefits, and in previous decades a majority of costs were for indemnity benefits.

Composition of Costs.  It is noteworthy that the most serious cases - fatal injuries and PTD - make up less than 11 percent of total benefit costs in the system, as Figure V shows.  In contrast, PPD cases, which often involve more subjectivity in evaluating the disability and more discretion about treatment, account for a majority of system costs (nearly 60 percent).  PPD cases average $61,327 per claim and make up 33 percent of all lost-time cases.14  Note also that these cases often involve disputes between the employees and employers, and result in negotiated settlements with a lump-sum payment.  This phenomenon is discussed in greater detail below.15 

“Back sprains and other soft tissue injuries account for the majority of claims for wages.”

A clear majority of diagnoses in lost time claims are back sprains and other soft-tissue injuries.  Sprain of the lumbar region (back sprain) is the most common diagnosis and accounts for 36 percent of all cases that result in lost time from work, which are more serious than claims that require only medical intervention (medical-only claims).  [See Figure VI.]  The second most common diagnosis is carpal tunnel syndrome (16 percent), a type of soft-tissue injury. Other back-related problems account for an additional 18 percent of all lost time cases.16

Over a relatively short period, between 1980 and 1989, back sprains and soft-tissue injuries increased from 45 percent of all lost time claims to more than 50 percent in a 15-state claim sample. 17  In contrast, crushing and fracture injuries declined from 18 percent to 14 percent.  Controlling for other factors that potentially could account for these injury trends, such as employment rates in high-risk industries, researchers have found that the increase in back sprains and soft-tissue injuries are related to increases in wage replacement benefits that result in shifting costs to the workers' compensation system.  

Coverage When Employees Contribute to Their Injury.  More than 80 years of litigation and legislative changes have failed to definitively resolve the question:  Which claims are compensable under workers' compensation? 18  For example:

  • In 1918, a Connecticut court found that a worker who died of sunstroke shoveling coal on a hot day was entitled to compensation because of his increased risk of exposure.
  • In 1935, a Massachusetts court found that a worker was not entitled to compensation for a foot that froze as he cleaned a street on an extremely cold day, since the risk was no greater for him than for anyone else outside. 
  • But a 1950s-era New York court decision expanded workers' compensation to cover a worker injured when a workshop collapsed due to an explosion next door, because his work put him at the particular location where he was imperiled.

“Back sprain is the most frequent injury involving lost time from work.”

Workers’ Compensation Claims by Type of Injury, 1996-2000

Furthermore, courts and legislatures have taken a variety of stances on the extent to which workers' compensation should cover injuries when an employee's own behavior contributed to or caused the injury.  For example:19

  • Five states deny coverage for injury resulting from workplace horseplay.
  • Thirteen states deny compensation if an injury resulted from a safety rule violation (while various other states reduce indemnity benefits by 10, 15, 25 or 50 percent).
  • And in the majority of states, when an intoxicated worker is injured, "the burden of proof is on the employer to demonstrate that the intoxication was the proximate cause of the workplace injury."  (In some states intoxication must be the sole cause, or the worker must be so drunk that he is unable to perform his job duties.) 

“Higher benefits raise the number of claims filed.”

The reluctance of courts and legislatures to limit benefits for workers whose behavior contributes to workplace injury indicates that the workers' compensation system is more of an entitlement program than an insurance system.  It is health insurance that supplements regular employer-provided health plans and disability insurance that replaces lost wages when an employee is unable to work.  Commenting on the above-mentioned New York case, a Kentucky appeals court judge noted that it "...is a big step toward complete coverage of all injuries suffered by an employee during working hours without regard to whether the injury results from risk connected with the employment."20

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