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Madam
Chairman and Members of the Subcommittee, thank you for the opportunity
to share my thoughts with you about ways to slow the rising cost
of health care and increase choice among enrollees. The history
of health insurance is that people began receiving coverage as a
“non-cash” benefit during World War II because of wage controls.
A few years later Congress confirmed that health insurance was exempt
from taxable wages. The effect of this regulation meant that coverage
received in lieu of wages was more affordable than using after-tax
wages to purchase health insurance. The same was true of funds used
to pay for incidental medical needs. Thus began the trend of purchasing
health coverage through your employer and paying third parties to
manage all your health care spending — including data-to-day medical
needs.
Unfortunately,
this created a whole set of new problems, including rising prices,
fewer choices and in some cases wasteful utilization.
From the standpoint of health
economists, the essential problem in health care is too much third-party
payment. Third parties – government, employers or insurance companies
– pay for about 85 percent of all health care received today.
The proportion of health
care paid directly by consumers has been falling for years. In 1960
consumers paid about 56 percent of health care directly. In 1980 the
proportion had fallen to about 28 percent. It stands about 15 percent
today. Most of the 15 percent of health care for which consumers pay
directly are over-the-counter (OTC) drugs, vision care, dental care
and cosmetic surgery such as Lasik.
One
problem that occurs when third parties control our health care is
that they will always ration care. Third parties also have higher
overhead and administrative costs since many of their procedures
are designed to ensure that only appropriate care is given and claims
are not fraudulent.
Giving
more control to third-parties means less for consumers. Moreover,
it reduces patients' incentive to be wise consumers of medical services
by removing their ability to express preferences and make trade-offs
similar to other areas of their lives.
For
instance, consumers do not bear the burden for poor life-style decisions
they make. People who smoke or lead unhealthy lifestyles generally
do not pay more for care which, in turn, doesn't provide them with
much incentive change their behavior. Likewise, people with first-dollar
health (and drug) coverage are not penalized for wasteful health care
spending. Thus, we all have little incentive to be prudent consumers
of health care.
About a dozen years ago,
researchers with the Rand Corporation performed a health insurance
experiment where they provided randomized samples of participants
with different levels of health care deductibles and cost-sharing.
Those with higher co-pays and levels of cost sharing consumed about
30 percent less health care annually with no ill effects on health.
With
experiments like this, it became obvious that the key to improving
health care and holding down prices is to get consumers involved
in decisions regarding their own care. One of the ways employers
are attempting to connect employees with decision-making is through
defined contribution health insurance. The employer “defines” their
contributions while employees choose among the types of policies
they purchase. An employee wanting a richer benefit package might
have to contribute additional money out-of-pocket to cover the cost.
On the other hand, employees choosing less expensive (high-deductible)
health plans might have funds left over to deposit into a personal
health account, such as a health savings account (HSA). This works
because high deductible policies are less expensive than policies
offering first-dollar coverage. The funds placed in an HSA would
be controlled by the employee, and would be used to pay for incidental
health care needs up to the health insurance policy deductible.
Employees would also have the ability to contribute additional funds
into the HSA tax free to shore up these accounts. Balances not used
could be invested in fund of the enrollee's choosing.
Data
is just emerging on how well these plans have performed. A study
published by the National Center for Policy Analysis on Medical
Savings Accounts (MSA) in South Africa found that for those enrolled
in MSA plans' discretionary spending (primarily outpatient spending)
was 47 percent lower. Individuals with an MSA were also much more
likely to purchase a generic equivalent rather than a name-brand
drug. By contrast, prescription drug spending by members increased
7.1 percent, and the number of prescriptions filled per month grew
by 19.1 percent after the patient reached their policy's deductible
and were essentially spending insurance company funds. Once patients
were spending insurance company funds use of the more expensive
branded drugs jumped 45 percent.
Closer
to home, a survey by Aetna of 14,000 members with Health Reimbursement
Accounts (HRA) found that members in their HRA (called HealthFund)
performed very well compared to a match set of non-HRA enrollees.
HealthFund
members only experienced a 1.5 percent increase in medical costs
compared to almost 16 percent in populations with similar demographics,
and more than 14 percent for Aetna's PPO plans.
HealthFund
members decreased the number of overall prescriptions by 6.5 percent
and increase the proportion of generic medications they used by
almost 13 percent which drove down pharmacy costs driven by an 11
percent.
Half
of members had funds left over at the end of the year to roll over
into the next calendar year — averaging 31 percent of their funds.
An
additional benefit is those enrolled in HSAs tended to participate
in more preventative care than a control group. This is probably
because any savings accrued from prevention is captured by the enrollee.
Traditional health insurers are reluctant to invest in preventative
care since benefits might be realized years later – often by another
company.
Some
of the critics of personal health accounts often argue that they
will experience favorable selection by appealing only to the “young
healthy” and “wealthy” — leaving the poor and sick in traditional
risk pools. However, preliminary data from Aetna (and others) have
shown that the age distribution of those enrolling in their plans
is similar to a bell-shaped curve. In fact, the average age of HealthFund
enrollees was slightly older than other plans, not lower as critics
might suggest. Overall, about two-thirds of HealthFund enrollees
were between the ages of 35 and 55.
These
plans also experienced a very high degree of customer satisfaction.
Ninety percent of those enrolled in the plans reportedly were satisfied
with their choice and were likely to renew for the following year.
In conclusion, giving employees
more choice and control over their health care makes good sense. It
leads to lower costs and more control over the kinds of care they
prefer.
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