Opinion Editorial

Wednesday, February 18, 1998  

Paying Down Debt May Be Only Option

The prospect of federal budget surpluses, rather than deficits, has fundamentally changed the debate over economic policy in Washington. The deficit created a straightjacket that constrained all efforts to significantly alter the direction of economic policy. Those wishing to expand government's role by offering new programs were prevented from doing so, while those wishing to scale back government's role by cutting taxes were equally blocked.

Thus the prospect of surpluses has created new opportunities for both those wishing to expand government and those wishing to curtail it.

  • President Bill Clinton clearly relishes the chance to initiate new programs for health, child care and a host of other issues dear to the hearts of liberal Democrats.

  • On the other hand, some conservative Republicans are also looking to jack-up spending for roads, bridges and other public works.

  • Others are equally adamant about using any surpluses to cut taxes or pay down the national debt.

Thus far, House Speaker Newt Gingrich has attempted to avoid conflict by promising a third of the surplus to each Republican group.

Only in recent days, however, has it begun to dawn on the Republicans that they really have only one option for using the surplus and that is to pay down debt. The reason is because the law is indifferent to whether the budget is in surplus or deficit; the same rules that applied when the budget was in deficit apply equally when there is a surplus. The most important of these rules is called the PAYGO rule, which requires that any new programs or tax cuts be "paid" for with higher taxes or cuts in entitlement programs, such as Medicare. It is not possible to "pay" for a tax cut or new programs by cutting non-entitlement spending, such as defense. And non-entitlement spending is subject to tight spending caps that are also written into law.

While in principle, the PAYGO rule constrains tax cuts and new spending equally, Mr. Clinton has been much more creative about getting around the problem. He has cleverly designed his new spending initiatives as tax provisions and paid for them with higher tobacco taxes. Thus, he has adhered to the letter of the law, if not its spirit.

Economists have long known that tax provisions can often be designed to be equivalent to spending. The best example is the Earned Income Tax Credit, which subsidizes workers with low incomes. Because the credit is refundable -- meaning that those who qualify get the credit even if they have no income tax liability against which to apply it -- some three-quarters of the EITC consists of checks sent from the Treasury. Thus the EITC really is a welfare program disguised as a tax provision. Tax provisions such as this are often referred to as tax expenditures for this reason.

Thus Mr. Clinton proposes expanding the child and dependent care tax credit and instituting a new tax credit for private employers to establish day care facilities as key elements of his agenda. Because these technically are tax provisions, even though they are in effect spending programs, they can legitimately be enacted if offset by higher cigarette taxes.

Republicans seem to have only lately realized how confining the budget rules are in terms of their ability to offer another tax cut this year. They may try to target any new revenue from tobacco taxes to broad-based tax relief, but that will still leave the overall level of taxation unchanged. Thus, by default, it may be that the only thing they can do with the surplus is retire some of the government's debt.

Source: Bruce Bartlett (senior fellow, National Center for Policy Analysis), February 18, 1998.




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